Grand Hymns of the Faith (Sacred Performer Collections)

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We will send you an SMS containing a verification code. Please double check your mobile number and click on "Send Verification Code". Enter the code below and hit Verify. Free Returns Changed your mind, you can return your product and get a full refund. Cash on Delivery Pay for your order in cash at the moment the shipment is delivered to your doorstep. Don't have an account? His tragic suicide in the early s is cited by some as evidence that the ancestral spirits got even with Duff for his illegitimate anthropology.

Most local Aboriginal people reject this interpretation and hold Duffs memory, as well as his work, in high regard, yet these negative views do represent the opinions of a significant minority. Talonbooks, , My own field experience among the Coast Salish confirms Suttles' findings for the more recent era. Oxford University Press, , Toward a Historical Anthropology, Aletta Biersack, ed. Smithsonian Institution Press, , Geary, The Myth of Nations: Princeton and Oxford, Essays on Colonialism and Geographical Change, Vancouver: As well, there are my own studies: Keith Thor Carlson, "Smallpox: First Contact," in Keith Thor Carlson, ed.

Less attention has been directed toward the delegation. Nonetheless, it has been regarded as an important development in the history of shared provincial Indian consciousness.

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See in particular, Robert M. McGill-Queen's University Press, University of Oklahoma Press, , demonstrate that the process of defining boundaries has led to categorization and subsequent prejudicial treatment of Aboriginal people throughout the history of colonial relations.

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History Company, , especially pages , ; H. Bancroft, The Native Races, Volume 1: Wild Tribes, and Volume 5: Primitive History San Francisco: It is important to note, however, that most of the ethnographic discussion in these volumes is the product of Charles Hill-Tout's pen.

MacMillan of Canada, , 26, 36,45, 52, , , Impact of the Whiteman Victoria: Provincial Museum, , , UBC Press, , see especially pages In it, Aboriginal identity is effectively deconstructed, as is the political nature of the popular discourse on Native rights. The settlement-based or "tribal" community, however, remains treated as a privileged Native affiliation throughout the work, despite Harris' own efforts to demonstrate the extent to which Indian Bands based on older local groups were largely the product of state initiatives to recreate indigenous people on a European model.

Glimpses of Dene History Montreal: University of Nebraska Press, University of California Press, Dippie, The Vanishing American: Indian Policy Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, Da Capo Press, As a historical researcher for the Federal Government in the early 's, I found that the ideas first put forth by Wike are still hotly debated within the theatre of comprehensive land claims litigation. National Museum of Canada, Bulletin , University of British Columbia Press, Guilmet, et al, "The Legacy of Introduced Disease," Fraser Canyon Histories, Vancouver: UBC Press, , University of Utah Press, , especially pages , An Historical and Ecological Study Toronto: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inglis and James C.

Haggarty, "Cook to Jewit: Louis Historical Society, , Roberts of the Jefferson. The proposed deal entailed Wickaninish purchasing the Jefferson's consort, the Adventure, for fifty prime sea otter pelts at the end of the season. However, due to the Adventure being wrecked off the mouth of the Columbia River the transaction fell through.

Captain James Colnett reported in that Wickaninish had as many muskets as his own ship the Argonaut, as well as four or five thousand warriors at his disposal; see, F. The Champlain Society, Kuykendall, Hawaiian Kingdom, Foundations and Transformation Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, , Also, Gibson, Otter Skins, Subsistence on the Northwest Coast," , all of which are reprinted in Wayne Suttles, ed. Talon Press, , Miller and Daniel L. The Puget Sound Case," Ethnohistory, Smithsonian Instititute Press, , University of Michigan Press, On the prairies migrations occurred across literally thousands of kilometers, while on the coast the distances are better measured in the hundreds of kilometers.

And yet, the geographic variation within the more confined coastal environment renders the effects of the migrations comparable. Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade: University of Toronto Press, Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: McGill-Queen's University Press, 47 Frank Tough recommends looking at Aboriginal society during the contact era as a blended culture that accounts for participation in European markets while still remaining sensitive to non-material forces. See also, "Yale Territory Defended from St6: University of Manitoba Press, , Findlay and Ken S.

University of Toronto Press, , especially pages A Geographical Analysis and Gazetteer Vancouver: UBC Press, and Seattle: University of Washington Press, Coast Salish Figures of Power Tucson: University of Arizona Press, Memory ethnology, simply put, is the process of interviewing knowledgeable community members Elders and cultural experts in order to recover or reconstruct past cultural practices and beliefs. The HBC censuses of 48 and proved integral to my analysis not only of demographic trends, but also population migrations.

Colonial correspondence pertaining to the gold rush as well as the period of colonial Indian reserve creation were especially useful, as were the British newspaper accounts describing not only the gold rush but the much later delegation to King Edward VII in I am indebted to Daniel P. Marshall for the recent analysis he has conducted on the Fraser River gold rush, and in particular, his bringing to the attention of Canadian scholars the existence and significance of certain American-based archival collections. Likewise, the government's Department of Indian Affairs records R.

For the later chapters I also made extensive use of the BC Attorney General's papers which have been largely overlooked by ethnohistorians. Also examined were the papers of J. Jeffcot in the Bellingham regional branch of the American National Archives. An Anchored Radiance Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, , and Crisca Bierwert's Brushed By Cedar are among the most recent and perhaps most successful examples. Both of these authors alternate the use of St6: University of California Press, , , As Donald explains, memory ethnography, nor matter how it is gathered, is often better at recording the ideal rules of a society than the actual practices of its members.

Moreover, the assumptions behind this method of ethnographic enquiry often assumes that great change has occurred in indigenous technology and economic life since the arrival of Europeans, but that the central features of indigenous ideology have remained essentially unchanged. Irwin Publishing, 2nd Edition, L5 Collective Identities Over the past half-century scholars have endeavoured to better understand the traditional linkages and affiliations between Coast Salish people.

Some of the most exciting developments and profound insights have emerged from studies where disciplinary boundaries and methodologies have been broken down. Anthropologists Wayne Suttles, Bruce Miller and Daniel Boxberger, along with historian Alexandra Harmon, have been at the forefront of the interdisciplinary approach. In Miller's and Boxberger's most recent co-authored publication on the subject they pointed to the "valuable contribution that ethnohistorians and historians can make to the debate.

Certainly, all of the participants in these debates have to varying degrees acknowledged this fundamental reality. Moreover, within local indigenous discourse the economic, political and spiritual domains are not regarded as separate. Taken collectively, with special attention being given to previously overlooked economic forces of cohesion emerging from Fraser Canyon salmon processing technology and the inter-tribal dependence of ancient creation and transformation stories, these factors reveal the overarching significance of the extended family to Coast Salish people's sense of collective identity.

They also provide the context for understanding the profoundly situational nature of the more formal expressions of group affiliation that periodically arose from that foundation to meet a variety of pressing and historically contingent circumstances. The Continuum The St6: Vertically, it ranges from tidal salt waters to glacial capped mountains. A healthy adult can hike from sea level to the sub-alpine in less than a day from almost any point in Coast Salish territory.

In addition to marine and alpine resources, Coast Salish territory, more than any area farther north on the Northwest Coast, also had an abundance of lowland meadows built on the rich alluvial soils of the Fraser Valley and the east coast of Puget Sound and southwestern Vancouver Island. Thus, while salmon was the principal food source, large and small game were also abundantly available, as were a host of vegetables and fruits, in particular wild potatoes and blueberries which, like salmon could be preserved when harvested in the summer and stored for winter consumption.

As Wayne Suttles, the leading scholar of Coast Salish anthropology, points out, at the "time of white settlement" the various marital, economic and ceremonial ties Unking the villages of central Coast Salish territory "made the whole region a social and biological continuum.


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To be Xwelmexw it was not necessary to live in a settlement on the banks of the Fraser River, or necessarily even speak Halkomelem. Rather, it was only necessary to be a part of the broader lower Fraser River-orientated community. As such, Squamish, Nooksack and Saanich-speaking people were just as Xwelmexw as the Halkomelem-speaking Cowichan on Vancouver Island—if they had social connections to Fraser River families and resources. Farther away from the Fraser, people were increasingly "different" lats'umexw in terms of culture, language and economic orientation—a characterization which has 53 grown less meaningful as the greater strangeness of European newcomers has eclipsed what once seemed to be such pronounced and important differences between indigenous communities.

Nevertheless, it is clear that local and regional Salish people had ways of identifying "others" long before Europeans arrived. The earliest professional ethnographic observers, however, failed to appreciate the social interconnectedness of the region and instead regarded autonomous Coast Salish winter villages as the only truly significant collective affiliation. Reflective of the settlement-based focus then current in anthropology, and undoubtedly influenced by the prominent writings of Lewis Henry Morgan, who in insisted that all North American Aboriginal people were essentially "barbarian" at the time of contact that is, disorganized or in a state somewhere between "savagery" and "civilization" , anthropologists such as Franz Boas and Thomas T.

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Waterman each subsequently contributed to this view of the Coast Salish. Her statistical analysis illustrated the significance of river-based tribal associations.


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In this way, Smith's methods not only revised earlier ethnographic interpretations, but they corroborated the hitherto ignored observations of the earliest European chroniclers such as Hudson's Bay Company HBC Chief Factor James Douglas. Thus, peoples living near a single drainage system were considered to be knit together by that fact if by no other. Moreover, some of the larger river systems, like the Puyallup in present day Washington State, had significant tributaries of their own, and were therefore home to more than one tribal group.

The implications of Smith's watershed-based identity thesis have not been adequately explored within the more northern Canadian-Fraser River context. Most of these smaller tributary rivers individually rival in scale and significance those around which are anchored other Coast Salish tribal communities in the Puget Sound and Strait of Georgia regions.

Indeed, each of the rivers running into the lower Fraser was home to a separate and distinct tribal community. Indeed, Suttles argues that villages were not "communities" in any meaningful sense of the word. Put another way, what collective identity existed beyond the local house group and village settlement was inherently informal and based upon strategies designed to secure access to relatively scarce resources while building stores of what today would be referred to as social capital that could be cashed in during times of need.

Thus, it was the extended family, and in particular in-laws—or affmes—through which such resources were accessed and shared, that constituted the most meaningful network of inter-group affiliation within Coast Salish society. To explain this thesis, Suttles draws people's attention to the fact that the environment of the people whose lives revolved around the lower Fraser River in the generation before contact "was characterized by a variety of types of natural resources, local diversity and seasonal variations in their occurrence, and year to year fluctuation in 57 their abundance.

All things were not available everywhere at all times so that they could simply be had for the taking. On the contrary, everything useful was available more at one place than another, and more in one season than another, and often more in one year than another.

Thus, the importance of resource variation in terms of identity is found in the indigenous mechanisms for securing periodic access to resources across tribal and village boundaries—mechanisms not unlike those which permitted people of different tribal groups to practice the sacred rites of another tribe, if they had the proper family connections.

The accompanying chart and schematic illustrate more comprehensively the relationship between resource availability and collective identity, along lines Suttles discussed, but also taking into account the regional variation in salmon resource processing technology See Figure 2. The first niche includes all tributary river systems flowing directly into salt water, and the second, those sub-watershed river systems entering directly into the Fraser River within the Fraser Valley.

The third niche encompasses the lower Fraser 58 Canyon where the main river narrows sufficiently to become, symbolically, a tributary watershed itself, not unlike those in niches 1 and 2. The fourth incorporates all sub-alpine parkland mountainous regions. Each of the four niches contains special resources that would appeal to people living outside its boundaries. Thus, to ensure access to a diversity of resources, people living in the lowland niches were motivated to forge various cross-niche alliances with those residing in niche 3. Pre-contact technologies allowed the St6: Likewise, prior to the adoption in the nineteenth and twentieth century of first salting, then glass jar canning, and eventually artificial refrigeration technology, only in the canyon did climactic conditions make wind drying consistently possible.

Wind drying was also dependent upon biological changes within the bodies of migrating salmon. As salmon ascend the river toward their spawning grounds they burn fat. Wind drying is simply impossible when salmon retain too high a fat content. Only when sockeye salmon—the fattest species—reach the canyon do they have the appropriate reduced, or diminished, fat content for effective wind drying. In the other lowland niche, salmon processing in pre-contact times depended upon smoking or sun drying—neither of which was as rapid, efficient or reliable as wind drying.

Niches 1 and 2 also have distinctive biological characteristics. Unique to niche 1 are ocean resources such as marine mammals, shellfish and molluscs. Likewise prior to widespread habitat destruction during in the colonial era cranberries and wild potatoes were plentiful and easily accessible only in the ponds and sloughs of niche 2. Cross niche relationships, and especially those Unking niches 1 and 2 with niche 3 were essential to prosperity. Ethnographic evidence indicates that most of the resource sites that were subject to geographic, seasonal or yearly variations and fluctuations were owned or controlled.

Not all sites, but certainly the best, were the collective property of famiUes, settlements or tribes, their access and regulation controlled by specific individuals recognised as having a degree of authority over the collective unit. Resources that were readily available without regard to fluctuations over time or regional diversity were generally held to be open to all, or as Gibbs characterized it more than a century ago, "Land and Sea appear to be open to all with whom they are not at war. Such patterns of apparent ownership as did develop grew out of customary use rather than claims of exclusive right.

Extended famiUes owned the best and most productive berry patches, camas beds, fern beds, wapato ponds, clam beds, duck net sites and salmon fishing sites individual dip net sites in the canyon, and entire streams or sloughs in the lower valley. Within the famiUes, certain individuals exercised regulatory controls. Typically, the individual who exercised control over the site that is, regulated access Uved in a nearby or adjacent 60 settlement. The smokehouses used to preserve the salmon, which were located near the weirs and traps, were the property of the famiUes who built them, as were the drying racks used for similar purposes in the lower Fraser canyon.

Certain types of resources belonged not to specific famiUes, but to entire settlement or tribal communities. Resource ownership and access were directly Unked to the issue of collective leadership, and by extension, collective identities. The famiUes who owned lower Fraser Valley property sites for example, salmon streams, cranberry bogs, and camas patches referred to these locations as sxwsiya: Notably, the leaders of the variously constituted famiUes, settlements and tribes did not necessarily acquire their rights 61 through direct inheritance. Suttles records that men from other tribes who had married Katzie women headed two of the eighteen property-holding families in Katzie territory.

The chieftaincy of the tribe may be acquired by marriage of a chiefs daughter Unless a state of war existed, families were obliged to allow visitors access to their property, but preferential access was the privilege of those with either blood or in-law connections to the site's owners. In a world where food resources were so unevenly distributed on the landscape and so subject to periods of seasonal abundance and absence, and where processing and storing foods demanded short intense bursts of labour activity, being able to demonstrate family connections to a variety of property owners was of vital importance.

Family ties, therefore, formed the economic base of people's most important collective identities. To emphasize closeness within the current generation relatives up to fourth cousins were regarded as siblings. To make similar connections explicit across multiple generations identical terms were used to describe the relationships between the living and people who were between four and seven generations removed in either temporal direction.

Once newly forged ties of marriage reconnected in laws the special descendant terms were replaced with the original terms for affines. The low status s'texem literally "worthless people" , were considered to have "lost or forgotten their history," and with it their rights to important resources. Polygamy functioned to make residence patterns among high status families patrilocal. This situation worked to prevent insults from being perceived as would happen if a husband appeared to value one wife's family's resources over another's by choosing to live with a particular wife's parents.

However, a man especially a man with only one spouse, it would seem who chose to live in his wife's home community suffered no loss of status, and indeed, as the example cited above illustrates, men often assumed ownership of property within their wives' families' home territories as part of their dowry. In bilateral societies like the Coast Salish Marriage between two families in one generation reduces the number of potential mates in the next.

To maintain affinal bonds between two communities for several generations requires that each [settlement or tribal] 63 community be composed of several family lines alternating with each other in their marriages Since each community contained several 'owners' of productive resources, there was no special advantage in marrying one rather than another among the good families of a neighbouring community. Thus, within the realm of economics, a system of constant movement existed between tribal communities in the three ecological niches where winter settlements were located.

Women, through marriage, typically moved to live permanently with their husbands, but women's parents' famiUes moved seasonally to visit their daughters- in-law and to access the resources that the marriage secured. Likewise, the woman's parents' famiUes acted as hosts to visits from their son-in-law's family and provided them with access to their resources.

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Occasionally these visits among affines lengthened into permanent reallocations of entire famiUes. These journeys were to the wild potato patches near the mouth of the Pitt River, and to an even greater extent to the dry rack fishing sites in the lower Fraser canyon within the territory of the now dispersed Ts6: As a result, the lower Fraser Canyon represented a special place in St6: Each year, as the early Hudson's Bay Company records demonstrate, Uterally thousands of people from as far afield as Vancouver Island travelled to the canyon to procure wind dried salmon.

Due to the size and scope of this migration, the lower canyon assumed the role of a regional trade centre where a plethora of other resources collected from other regions were also traded. That is to say, people arrived at the canyon with canoe loads of dried and smoked molluscs and other such regionally specific resources with the intention of trading them to people who may not have been permanent winter residents of the canyon district, but rather visitors from other far off places. The canyon provided an opportunity for the exchange of a diverse collection of goods that would have been impossible had people been forced to travel widely to a host of different sites to exchange and acquire the variety of goods needed for winter sustenance and subsequent potlatch exchange.

While Smith's drainage system analysis hinted at the existence of sophisticated cross-tribal networks, and Suttles' economic and ecological studies provided a structural basis upon which they functioned, it was not until Bruce Miller applied communication theory to his analysis of Coast Salish social networks that the significance of inter-community networks were statistically demonstrated. Miller examined five modes of social exchange through measures of graph centrahty and determined that the Puget Sound Salish region was indeed far more heavily integrated than the earliest anthropological literature implied.

As such, Miller's work serves as a mathematical confirmation of Suttles' metaphorical analysis, and shows conclusively that meaningful collective identities and expressions of authority exist in forms other 65 than the heretofore notably absent formal expressions of supra-tribal Chiefly political power.

Moreover, Millers' findings helped resolve the problem of determining if a particular social institution existed in response to a particular problem or issue. In this case, Miller was able to demonstrate that intercommunity networks, as Suttles had hypothesized, did indeed serve to alleviate the geographical problem associated with periodic shortages of food supplies. In addition to corroborating earlier theories, however, Miller's mathematical study also provided new insights into the way collective affiliations were constituted within Coast Salish society, which have important implications for this dissertation.

For example, one of the surprising results of his study was Miller's discovery of a correlation between certain expressions of exchange and social relationships. Trade, ritual and coalition ties were not dependent upon close kinship, as had been supposed. Rather, they served to strengthen network affiliation between people who were not related. Thus, regarded from a perspective that better takes into account both indigenous rules of behaviour as well as practice, the geography of the lower Fraser River assumes new significance.

For eighteenth and nineteenth century Coast Salish people who measured distance in terms of "a day's canoe ride," the Fraser provided unparalleled opportunities for those living along its tributaries to visit in-laws and attend potlatch ceremonies to reinforce and support the sort of non-political networks Suttles identified as well beyond those available to other Coast Salish groups. The opportunities for supra-tribal identification, such as might derive from opportunities for inter-tribal visits, were consequently also without parallel vis-a-vis the rest of Coast Salish territory.

Whereas a Coast Salish canoe traveller on Puget Sound or the Strait of Georgia might realistically hope to pass the mouths of two to five watersheds and therefore two to five tribes in a single day, a person travelling down the Fraser could easily visit the entrances to well over a dozen tribal watersheds in the same time span. In travelling up river, swirling back eddies used to rocket a canoe upstream by taking advantage of centrifugal force and side channels enabled a skilfully manoeuvred canoe to traverse the mouths of roughly ten tribal drainage systems in a day.

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In contrast, rivers are considered more restricted avenues controlled by the local watershed's occupants. In this capacity rivers represent the core of potentially larger tribally-claimed watershed-based territories. One of the earliest ethnographic observers of Coast Salish life was the Pacific Railroad surveyor-turned-settler George Gibbs, who arrived among the Coast Salish of Puget Sound in In he reported that, "Tribes are It would appear also that these lands are considered to survive to the last remnant of a tribe, after its existence as such has in fact ceased Land and sea appear to be open to all with whom they are not at war.

This fact, unappreciated in the earlier literature, is of vital importance because, when accounted for, it causes us to reassess the social geography of the region.

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For example, discussions which categorize the lower Fraser simply as a single Coast Salish river system have failed to recognise it as a parallel social geography to the open salt waters of Puget Sound to the south, Strait of Georgia to the north and the Strait of Juan de Fuca to the west. As Smith explained, for the Puget Sound Salish as a whole the concept of broad pan-tribal identity, that is, of being "one people," stemmed from the fact that "their country [the Sound drainage] all flowed in the same direction.

Thus, as Suttles records, Coast Salish direction is determined in relation to 68 the axis of water travel routes: This collective riverine transportation route serves as the geographical nexus for collective St6: The hegemony of western concepts of geography have prevented scholars from appreciating that, for the St6: Members of the various regional tribes travelled from the Fraser estuary upriver without feeling that they were trespassing. Indeed, this occurred on a large scale every summer during the salmon fishing season, when literally thousands of people headed upriver and then back down from the canyon drying racks.

Even non-local communities with hostile intentions, often referred to by twentieth century Elders as "Coastal Raiders", 69 frequently passed up the Fraser en route to attack or exact revenge on particular St6: Occasionally, collective efforts were made to repel intruders, but more frequently, as is reported in contemporary oral histories as well as ones collected at the beginning of the twentieth century, members of lower Storlo tribes often simply watched the raiders as they made their way upriver to their chosen destination.

Often, Elders explain, the raiders' beautiful and powerful hypnotic war songs rendered the bystanders powerless to act in any case. Individual tribal communities naturally felt greater affinity and identified more closely with those with whom they interacted most frequently. Distance, as Suttles records, consequently played a key role in shaping a sense of shared identity. In the words of the arranger, "sacred music Read more Read less. Applicable only on ATM card, debit card or credit card orders.

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